Let’s give President Bush credit for at least one point: it would be a useful thing if all countries were democracies, because democracies, at least in comparison to dictatorships, tend not to go to war. Democracies require the will of the people in support of any significant governmental initiative, especially one as devastating and with such potential for adverse and unanticipated consequences as war.
Too bad President Bush never sold his war in Iraq as an exercise in promoting democracy, not that he would have had much of a chance convincing the American public that such a war was justified. But even with a small possibility of success, such an argument, and such a war, would have allowed the United States to occupy the moral high ground in its fight against Saddam Hussein. And occupying the moral high ground is all-important for a democracy at war. Not just the government, but the great majority of the people have to believe that their cause is morally just despite the inevitable setbacks and costs of war.
Instead, the Bush administration relied on the imminent danger argument: Saddam possessed weapons of mass destruction (including a nuclear capability) that in a post-9/11 world posed an imminent threat to the safety of the United States. It was, as Paul Wolfowitz said, the one argument everyone in the administration could agree upon prior to the invasion.
There was a related but very important argument also promulgated: Saddam had collaborated with terrorists and was therefore implicitly to blame for the 9/11 attacks. This argument was like a salve on the open wound Americans nursed after 9/11. It gave immediacy and materiality to the enemy, especially since Osama bin Laden had evaporated into the Pakistani wilderness. Saddam Hussein was a sitting target, just asking for payback from an American public anxious for revenge.
And so the United States went to war out of self-defense and with a thirst for vengeance. Self-defense satisfied the need for a moral purpose to the war, and vengeance satisfied a savage instinct aroused when the World Trade center towers collapsed.
Two successive investigations into Iraq’s weapons capabilities have shown that Saddam had no weapons of mass destruction, and was only bluffing the rest of the world about the danger he presented. The moral justification for the U.S. invasion of Iraq disappeared with these investigations, and thus began a slow but steady erosion of public support for the war in Iraq.
Supporters of the war – including the administration – have pointed out consistently that the war critics are undermining the war because the insurgents can see how approval from the American public is dissipating. This argument is entirely specious. The insurgents, first of all, have more pressing internal objectives than to worry about American public opinion. But to the extent they even think about American public opinion, their only concern should be maintaining the insurgency at some minimum low level. Time is their ally, because even if there were no war critics in the U.S., public support would progressively fade as the death and injury toll mounts and meets head-on with the realization that there is no moral purpose to the war.
This is the first reason why the United States cannot win this war. Now that it lacks a moral justification for the invasion of Iraq, public support is permanently damaged and will certainly not be available to justify the increased resources necessary to prosecute the war effectively. In fact, as the insurgency in Iraq has begun to take on the cast of a civil war – one in which the U.S. plays no effective role in keeping the antagonists at bay – it is even less likely that the U.S. electorate will tolerate the human and economic costs much further. Already the president has begun to lay out a timetable for troop withdrawal, something he vowed never to do for the past three years.
That leaves revenge as the other motivating factor for the war. Unlike high moral ground, revenge has little power to sustain public support for a war effort. With public support clearly now below the 50% level, revenge appears to have played out its purpose and has been effectively satiated. Moreover, revenge has now been shown to rest on the same faulty ground as the weapons of mass destruction argument – Saddam Hussein had nothing to do with the 9/11 attack, and the administration’s attempts to connect him to this attack were deliberate deceptions.
The public can now see that they were tricked twice when they gave their approval for the war in Iraq. In political terms, this is unforgivable, and has doomed George Bush’s adventure in Iraq.
If it is hard enough for a democracy to sustain a war effort without a high moral justification, it is impossible to do so when the public feels deceived by its government in the run-up to the war. Perhaps in a democracy with an all-volunteer army, the war could go on for quite some time without public support. But even the military has lost faith in its mission. According to a recent Zogby poll, conducted through personal interviews of 944 American military personal in undisclosed locations in Iraq, 93% said the original purpose of the war – finding weapons of mass destruction – was no longer relevant to invading Iraq. Instead, according to John Zogby, “… 85% said the U.S. mission is mainly ‘to retaliate for Saddam’s role in the 9-11 attacks,’ and 77% said they also believe the main or a major reason for the war was ‘to stop Saddam from protecting al Qaeda in Iraq.’”
This is actually an astounding result, partly because of the different ways the question can be interpreted. It is possible that the overwhelming number of U.S. troops in Iraq believe the U.S. is punishing Saddam for his attacks on the U.S. and his promotion of al Qaeda. If so, the military forces have been fed a steady diet of misconceptions by their commanders and their Commander-in-Chief, and they are forbidden to learn the facts that are readily available on the internet.
Alternatively, it could mean the troops are quite savvy about the fact that Saddam and Iraq had nothing to do with either 9/11 or al Qaeda, and they are merely recognizing these as the surface rationales for the invasion offered up by the White House.
Either way, the troops are fighting for a lie – one they believe wholeheartedly, or one they accept as a lie used to inveigle the U.S. in Iraq. Giving your life up for a lie is about the most heinous sacrifice a government can ask of its young men and women. It is not a request that can be perpetrated for a long period of time.
Hence the “Long War” talked about by the Pentagon is equally likely to end in defeat as the war in Iraq. The U.S. has no moral or emotional compass to guide it through the terrible sacrifices necessary to fight these wars.
This is why the U.S. cannot win in Iraq. This is why George Bush will have the singular historical distinction of perpetrating and losing a major preemptive war, one in which the mightiest military machine known to man was defeated by $200 improvised explosive devices and $100 bounties placed on the heads of American soldiers and marines.
No less a conservative icon than William F. Buckley has already uttered the word “defeat” in relation to the war in Iraq. This is not simply a recognition of reality. It allows the unthinkable to enter into the national vocabulary, and it negates completely the right-wing attempts to label war critics as defeatists.
It will take time, but the public discourse and consciousness will eventually absorb the fact that the United States has lost the war in Iraq. All those lives have been lost for nothing, and all those injuries will have to be borne with the understanding they were as purposeless as they were avoidable.
The neo-conservative cabal which brought us this war is already fracturing in different directions and shifting blame anywhere else but to themselves. Their target of deflection: George W. Bush. They now discover his incompetence and realize it is matched only by his audacious arrogance.
“Vanity of vanities, saith the Preacher, vanity of vanities; all is vanity.” A Bible-quoting, born again Christian such as George W. Bush will recognize these opening lines from Ecclesiastes. He should get used to them; they have become his epitaph.