Afghanistan: The Beginning of the End?


Let's talk about Afghanistan a bit more. Via Steve Gilliard I see reports that indicate not just an uprising by the Taliban, but that various of the tribes are also starting to attack the Coalition.

There are a lot of misconceptions about Afghanistan. The US didn't defeat Afghanistan when it invaded, what it did was bribe the various tribal leaders to rise against the Taliban, and provide sufficient air support to make it impossible for the Taliban to stand against them. Without that air support, odds are the Taliban would have crushed such an uprising, they were, simply, better more coordinated soldiers than the tribes, taken as a whole.

Since then the peace has been maintained through systematic bribery, letting the Warlords grow opium (something the Taliban had put a stop to - with extreme prejudice), and in general by letting the tribes and warlords do their thing without much interference.

The Afghanistan "government" is a joke, and always has been. It doesn't do more than control the capital, and sometimes not even that.

The route to victory in Afghanistan - a lasting victory, was economic. Roads, jobs, infrastructure in general - flooding the country with money and opportunity, so that for most people times got better... a lot better.

That wasn't done, and it looks like it may now be too late for it to be done. Throughout history the Afghanis have been willing to tolerate foreign invaders for only so long. It looks like that "so long" is about up. I'm not sure what the trigger was, though I suspect it was misguided drug war policies, where idiot commanders thought they really should destroy opiuim fields rather than smile and look the other way.

And so now it will begin, the death by a thousand tiny paper cuts of guerilla war in a country God made for insurgency. The Soviets couldn't win such a war, and the Coalition won't win it either. Oh, not because the Afghanis can defeat the Coalition in pitched battle, barring unutterable incompetence from Coalition military leaders, they can't, but because they can outlast them.

At this point, having failed to create a civil society in Afghanistan - having thrown away the opportunity, the best remaining option is to decide what faction you want to win other than the Taliban, and without appearing to favour it, do what you can to make it win.

It's not an option which is likely to succeed, but it's a better option than letting the Taliban get back in power. Under the circumstances they aren't all that likely to be particularly forgiving to the West, and having defeated it once they won't fear it again. So if they make Afghanistan into a terrorist base, other than occasional missile and bombing attacks, there won't be much we can do about it.

The only good news is that bin Laden has been supersed by Omar, and Omar, being a sectarian religious fanatic, has overriden bin Laden's appeal to all Muslims and restricted it to Sunnis who are theologically compatible with him. That reduces al-Q'aedas potential significantly, and is genuinely good news. Bin Laden, famed for his ability to deal with all Muslims was much more dangerous than Omar, a very narrow man, will be.

The other thing to note is that our natural ally in the matter of the Taliban is... Iran. They have no interest in having a fanatical Sunni state sponsor of terrorism on their border, and will be taking steps against the Taliban. It's unlikely, given Pakistan's support of the Taliban that Iran's efforts will be sufficient, but a smart foreign policy team would recognize that Iran's aid in Afghanistan would be potentially invaluable, and that the West and Iran have similiar enough goals in Afghanistan to work together.


Ian Welsh May 26, 2006 - 11:12am

...in the sense of have a dialogue, it might be useful to answer the questions listed here so we can establish a frame of reference.

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 26, 2006 - 3:09pm

Your question has been answered, as you requested. However what this article is saying, in effect, is that I'm not sure it matters any more what we think the victory conditions are, I think the turning point may have been reached where victory is no longer possible. If the majority of the tribes have indeed turned against the Coalition, along with the Taliban, our goose is cooked. We can keep it up for a long time, as long as we're willing to pay the price, but I doubt we can win.

If the turning point hasn't been reached, it remains true that to win, we need to decide what we consider a victory condition, and how to reach it. And I don't see any signs of that by Harper, or Bush, or NATO, or the UN.

Ian Welsh May 26, 2006 - 3:28pm

...Afghanistan have the loyalties of the tribes turned and then not turned again? If we can't interrupt the trajectory over a period of a few years from this point forward then we're definitely in trouble, particularly on the home front, but at this point, based on this little time depth, I'm extremely unwilling to foresee doom. We just don't know at this point.

I look at what I'm seeing and I see a bunch of guys that have been building up their resources because they knew we were coming down South and they knew that we were going to be different from what came before. We've more boots on the ground, we've more resources generally, and we're doing a bit better job COIN-wise, near as I can see. We're coming into what has been a less contested theatre of operations for them and they're concerned; they see a potential turning point here and they're focussing a lot of resources on it. Yes, they've built up their capabilities over the past few years, but that's far from the entire story. There's a goodly amount of stuff that's being done right.

As to the meat of the above article, as I see it the Taliban's doing better with the tribes because up to now they've been largely unopposed - the Yanks look to me like they've been over emphasizing the kinetic options. When I look at this piece what I get out of it is three things: 1) statements about two major political factions (Hekmatyar and Khalis) that we already knew - it's been re-stated in particularly explicit form of late, but really we already knew where they stood, 2) Gul, a guy who backs the Taliban as a means of advancing his country's national interest thinks local networks of tribes might be getting ready to rise up, but offers little in the way of data other than statements to the effect that that's how it works in Afghanistan, and 3) there's a heck of a lot of political warfare coming out of the tribal areas of Pakistan. While I think much of it is correct, a lot of the stuff in there is coming from a very distinct viewpoint - to be clear, I think the picture of what's going on in Pakistan is pretty clear, but the really salient question is what's going on on the ground in Afghanistan and the article is pretty speculative on that (not to mention, I think, biased by its own national interest). For me, what's new here is really just increased the Taliban op tempo - none of this is really grounds, alone, for a conclusion that it's the beginning of the end. If it intensifies and can be sustained, sure, a real serious problem, but right now? Way too early to tell.

Contra the "poli-sci" approach that seems to be dominating the article, I look at the stuff that's being attributed to the Afghanis on the ground and I see a population that's in play - we capitalize on that and start getting people off the fence (and most of them seem really to be on the fence) and progress can be made. Up to this point, IMHO, we really haven't tried and it's premature to say that the effort's lost.

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 26, 2006 - 4:33pm

Yanks alwasy over emphasize the kinetic options.

If we aren't willing to offer Afghanis real options and benefits for coming off the fence in our favour, they won't. And we aren't. And we won't, because Harper isn't the sort of man who has the flexibility of mind to say something like "let's set up a legal opium market for them." Nor is he going to spring a few billion dollars to do real economic work in Afghanistan, he'd much rather use that money for tax cuts at home.

The bottom line in Afghanistan has always been this:

The Taliban will do whatever it takes to win.

The Coalition won't.

Conclusion: it may take a long time or a short time, but the Taliban will win.

That's what I said in 2001, and that's what I say now. And that will only change if we get serious about winning. And simply putting in more troops is not enough - it has to be followed by a serious economic plan and a serious plan to build up the Afghani government to something credible. If it isn't, we're just playing politics with Afghani tribes until we lose to people who grew up there and know the game better than we ever can. People who aren't going away - their commitment isn't for two years, it's for life, and if we kill them, there are plenty of replacements for them.

Ian Welsh May 27, 2006 - 1:11am

...lacks flexibility on an issue you're not showing much yourself. To recap your position as I'm hearing it, since 2001 it's been your a priori assertion that we aren't going to win, based not on any rigorous assessment of the politico-military situation on the ground, but primarily on your assertion that we lack the will, the wherewithal, and the strategic vision to do so whereas the Taliban, who are apparently ten feet tall, have all of these things in spades. Doesn't it strike you that asserting as an article of faith that we aren't going to "win" because we won't do what's necessary and then asserting that if we won't do what's necessary (which you've already asserted we won't) we should leave, is firmly under the heading labelled "self-fulfilling prophecy"?

As I see it there's a bunch of folks out there that are crying doom so as to weaken the willingness of the western powers to invest the necessary resources on a cause that they assert is doomed (Gul and his proxies cited in the article mentioned above prominent among them). If they can get the western powers not to invest those resources, then the Taliban actually can win over the long term when the western powers withdraw their military forces. If you support the western involvement in Afghanistan to even the limited extent that you do, I don't see how you can make disastrous cases like that above - you're cutting the throat of the effort you say that you minimally support. You want to advocate that the west must invest more resources (much more!) lest the entire enterprise be jeopardized, and that given how close to the wire it all is we must as a major priority maintain the capability to extricate ourselves, then I'm right there with you - but casting all this in terms of "I can't see the plan to win, we're not going to win, why the hell do we have people out there in the first place" that's a self-fulfilling prophecy that plays into the hands of a rather nasty set of bastards (i.e., Gul, the ISI and the current batch of "great gamers").

I would suggest that we are doing a goodly amount in Afghanistan, some of it critical. Contrary to your assertion that we are only keeping the Taliban from taking power, I see that we are slowly building the capacity of the Afghanis to stop the Taliban themselves - that's something that is discernably happening, though slowly. I don't think that one can assert that the Afghani government forces are irrelevant to the equation - no, they don't have the resiliance that western forces do and they don't dominate the battlefield in the same way, but they have fought effectively and of late have been doing rather well in exchanges against the Taliban, near as I can tell. We've gotten to the point where the Afghanis represent the majority of forces on the ground, from literally zero a few years ago and they are becoming increasingly effective. Further, I would suggest that there are very clear signs of what the UN and NATO think are victory conditions and how they are seeking to reach them - I sure see them; hell, the whole deployment to the south is the living embodiment of those victory conditions and how to achieve them.

Further, I'd suggest that we do offer the Afghanis something that they very much want, more than anything else near as I can tell, in return for getting off the fence - a chance at stability and a life free from corruption at the hands of either the warlords or the present weak, de facto decentralized government. The only way of building that chance near as I can see is via COIN work on the ground. We'll have to handle the narcotics issue very delicately - and that will entail far more casualties among our publics here in the west than we will ever suffer on the battlefield in Afghanistan - but over a period of years and perhaps decades, this is something that we may be able to pull off via a lot of investment in alternate lifeways. (As an aside, I wouldn't put too much good into the Taliban decision to ban poppy production a) they already had a lot in the pipeline that they controlled, and b) I have a very strong feeling that they banned production to cut the competing warlords off from their sources of revenue - they may have justified this by calling poppies un-Islamic, but they were willing to use it during their ascendancy, as they are presently.)

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 27, 2006 - 9:24am

We don't offer them a hill of beans, since we are not willing to commit the forces or the money to take on the Warlords, extend the writ of the government beyond the capital, or even defeat the Taliban. That is my judgement of the situation, and we simply disagree on it. If not agreeing with your take is sufficient to make me an inflexible Harper like figure, so be it.

Time will tell if who is closer to correct. In this case, as with my predictions before the Iraqi invasion, I hope I am wrong. I really, really don't expect to eat crow on this, however.

Finally, I will note that the majority of Canadians now oppose Afghanistan.

That number isn't going to get any better.

Another prediction I don't expect to eat crow on.

Because like me, most Canadians don't see any appreciable progress. They notice that the Taliban is STRONGER now than it was last year, when it was stronger than... the year before that.

You know what I hate more than almost anything else? I hate doing things by half - especially when it means spending lives and not actually winning. I hate the calculus of divinding lives by damn near zero. If we want to win in Aghanistan, fine. I'm for it. I'd love to. Let's do it. But my judgement is that we aren't doing enough. We (the Coalition, not just Canada) is doing, by my judgement, about 5% of enough.

Y'know, considering that I actually came out in favor of staying in Afghanistan (something I'm reconsidering) I find it amusing that we've spent this much time debating the issue.

Ian Welsh May 27, 2006 - 1:58pm

...that makes me suggest that you are being inflexible, Ian - it's the fact that your take was formed in 2001 and continues to this day in the face of drastically changing circumstances that makes me think your position on the matter inflexible. We're in agreement that we're not doing near enough and we're in agreement that at the end of the day we'd like to "win" - where we differ is mainly in how we believe things are going and what the prospects are for "victory". My appreciation of unconventional warfare and counterinsurgency leads me to the conclusion that political positions, be they held by the pols or expressed by influential elements of the electorate, that specifically express a willingness to withdraw in the face of trying circumstances are critically dangerous to any successful counter-insurgency campaign, a danger made all the more acute in our specific case by the lack of clarity in the minds of the Canadian public (and Canadian policy makers, for that matter) as to what our involvement entails and what is seeks to achieve and is actually achieving. If you want to "win" in Afghanistan a large part of it, probably the largest single element at the immediate time, given current circumstances in Afghanistan and in the domestic political sphere, is not crying from the rooftops that we are engaged in a fruitless effort. It may well turn out that this is the case, given eventual military-politico realities on the ground in Afghanistan, but to attempt to convince the Canadian electorate of it at this point guarantees that the effort is fruitless.

I frankly don't mind spending this much time debating the issue - we have people out there on the sharp end; it's appropriate that Canadians debate that extensively. From where I sit, as something of a student of counterinsurgency, I have to say that this simply isn't an issue that boils down to political terms, where grudging support and resolute support amount to largely the same thing. I don't think that one can hold that defeat is inevitable, but that Canadian troops should be "expended" in a doomed effort to hold a nonexistent line. If you don't believe that the endeavour holds a reasonable prospect of success, then it's my contention that you should be advocating the withdrawal of our forces.

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 27, 2006 - 4:51pm

The circumstances have changed for the worse, not the better - that is my take on the news I read. I am not an optimist on the situation, any more than I am in Iraq. IE. I predicted about what would happen (as I did with Iraq) and more or less it has happened. As with you, insurgency/counter insurgency is something I've studied, and anyone who's done that has studied Afghanistan.

Of course defeat isn't inevitable - if we're willing to do the right things. If we aren't, it is as close to inevitable as anything in human affairs is. It is, of course, possible that we could decide to the do the right thing - but the current glide path (ie. if nothing changes) is that we aren't doing them and we're going to lose.

As for grudging support - I don't want the Taliban back in charge, because I don't want Afghanistan being used as a major terror base. Unlike Iraq, where we didn't participate, the Taliban has every reason to hold a grudge against Canada. I am (just barely) willing to keep my finger in the dyke for another couple years, in hopes that when George Bush leaves office, the new President will take things seriously and do what needs to be done to win. If at that point it becomes clear he won't, you can bet that I will be calling for our troops out.

Ian Welsh May 28, 2006 - 3:47am

...is the degree of immediacy required for doing the "right things" - I look at the things you've put forward and see a bunch of good ideas. That said, I'm not sure that it's necessary to the ultimate success of the endeavour that those things happen immediately - it would be great if they did and it'll hinder us if they don't, but I'm pretty damned sure that it'll be an extended process to get everyone to commit to those measures. A major part of getting everyone there is demonstrating that at least some core partners are willing to make a long-term commitment, and to make a large enough commitment that we can shape the political aspect and the tactics on the ground in Afghanistan to our advantage. Afghanistan is running at a much lower intensity than Iraq and the current conditions are far, far more favourable for a successful counter-insurgency.

As to whether the Americans will suddenly come to their senses and do the "right things" and salvaging the situation, I would suggest that the probability of that occuring is very small - even if they suddenly developed the political will to do so, I maintain that they do not have the correct military doctrine for such a task (and are unlikely to employ such a doctrine effectively, given the way their forces work, even if they were to develop one). In short, this one is NATO's baby to fix - something that I do not think is beyond our capability to do and something that I think there is ample reason to attempt for a range of strategic reasons stretching well beyond Afghanistan itself.

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 29, 2006 - 10:53am

“The aid agency's entire budget for Afghanistan is $100 million this year, making Canada the largest international donor of aid to the country.”

Aid to Afghanistan

He has no voice in NATO strategy, Cabinet pledges troop deployment and decides what financial resources are needed for them to fulfill their mission in Afghanistan.

If NATO decides a COIN mission is warranted, it is the NATO military leaders that will approve it. Canada will have input into the strategy that will be adopted through the Generals who are in Afghanistan and other personnel who reside in Canada with ideas that are submitted by the Department of Defence to the Canadian military who are currently stationed in Afghanistan.

canuck May 27, 2006 - 12:30pm

A hundred million is not enough. To be frank, a hundred million isn't real money. Not even close. Canada (read: Harper, Cabinet in this government is a bunch of eunuchs who know exactly who is boss) has a voice in NATO strategy, as it has in any other multilateral engagement where it is willing to supply troops and money. The more money and the more troops, the more voice. The more willingness to walk away from the table, the more voice.

Just like any other negotiation.

Ian Welsh May 27, 2006 - 2:05pm

The British tried, the Russians tried. Who else? And why did they try to control them? It has been an unruly country since time began it seems like. And what is the benefit of controlling them? How many 9/11 terrorists were Afghans? What is the point? I really would like some help on this.

Bucksouth May 28, 2006 - 11:31pm

I really want to know why we are there now.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afghanistan

Bucksouth May 28, 2006 - 11:47pm

...Sovs and left Afghanistan to stew in its own juices, the result was the rise of the Taliban and a safe haven for al-Qa'eda, a safe haven they were not hesitant to exploit. What do you think would be the result of withdrawal without first establishing an independent government capable of suppressing the Taliban? How long do you think it would take al-Qa'eda to exploit a resurgent Taliban even more than they are currently in western Pakistan? Me, I'm thinking not long.

More to the point, in the modern world system one just doesn't get to pulverise weak powers and then not attempt to rehabilitate those powers after the dust settles, particularly if the folks doing the pulverising are the United States of America working in a UN framework with NATO allies onboard. Another example of Secretary Powell's famous "You break it, you bought it" dictum.

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 29, 2006 - 6:47am

I consider the Taliban as a teroristic group, do you?

Tina May 29, 2006 - 8:38am

...as a tactic. That said, I don't think that we can treat them in the same way we treat al-Qa'eda, not least because they are mostly ethnic Afghanis. Any lasting solution in Afghanistan is likely to involve some sort of negotiated settlement with a substantial number of Talbian adherents - the whole strategy, I think, should be to progressively pare off Taliban-affiliated groups and convince them that they'll get a better deal from the government than they will from the Taliban core (or at least that it would result in a cessation of hostilities against them); seems to me that that means that we can't lump them in with al-Qa'eda.

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 29, 2006 - 10:38am

that Bush kept calling the insurgents in Iraq terrorist but doesn't use it for the taliban. They both kill innocents, both want control of their respective countries, they both attack coalition soldiers and want to impose stricter religious edicts, but for some reason Bush doesn't call them terrorists. Its my own fault for listening to what Bush says lol. Thanks for the explanation.

Tina May 29, 2006 - 11:00am

...there is that until recently the classic tactic of suicide bombing has been pretty uncommon in Afghanistan. My understanding is that during the first part of 2006 there have been about 20 such attacks, between two and three times as many as during the preceding period since September, 2001.

"We declared war on terror, it's not even a noun, so, good luck. After we defeat it, I'm sure we'll take on that bastard ennui." - Jon Stewart.

JustPlainDave May 29, 2006 - 12:34pm

is described in the Christian Science Monitor article

Not possible for the United States to seek co-operation with the Taliban and brand them as terrorists at the same time.

canuck May 29, 2006 - 5:50pm

"Canada Faces Threat From Afghanistan-Trained Terrorists
By VOA News
30 May 2006

An official with Canada's spy agency has said that potential terrorists already reside inside the country, and that some have been schooled in al-Qaida training camps.

Jack Hooper, the deputy director of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, spoke Monday in Ottawa to a legislative committee studying Canada's involvement in Afghanistan.

Hooper told the lawmakers Canada faces a threat from home-grown terrorists. He said that all the circumstances which produced the London transit bombing are present now in Canada.

Hooper said that many of the home-grown terrorists are Canadian citizens.

He also cautioned that his agency has been able to investigate only 10 percent of the immigrants who have come to Canada during the past five years from Pakistan and Afghanistan."

Voice of America News

-----

I went to the CSIS website to see if there was any news:

----

"Statement by Jack Hooper, Deputy Director Operations
Canadian Security Intelligence Service
to the Senate Committee on National Security and Defence
(SCONSAD), May 29th, 2006

Good morning Senators. I am pleased to be here with you this morning. I would like to address briefly two issues in my opening remarks:

* First, the current threat environment related to terrorism; and

* Secondly, our organization’s specific interests in Afghanistan.

Activities related to what might be called the “Al Qaida ideology” are currently the most prominent and immediate terrorist security threat faced globally and domestically. It is a phenomenon that has been manifested in many parts of the world.

In 2005 reported terrorism incidents of all types and affiliations reached an historic high. Many of these were linked to the “Al Qaida ideology”. The vast majority, fortunately, have not been in Western jurisdictions.

That has, however, been changing and will likely continue to in the future as we have seen with terrorist attacks in the past five years in the United States, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands. Terrorist conspiracies in those and other Western countries have been foiled before terrorist action was undertaken.

The threat of this kind of terrorism is global, complex and sophisticated. The individuals and groups involved are often internationally inter-connected and highly mobile in their travel patterns. Most troubling, as we have seen most prominently in the United Kingdom last summer, terrorists can be born and raised in the West.

They are often technologically sophisticated in their use of both materials and the Internet. The latter is used as a multi-faceted tool for communications, recruitment, proselytizing and the transfer of techniques. It has been estimated that, at any given time, there are approximately 4500 terrorist affiliated websites available on the Internet.

There has been, as well, a growing trend towards non-terrorist criminal activity by these individuals and groups to either generate revenue or acquire materials.

Canada is not and has never been immune to the threat of terrorism. In fact the most catastrophic terrorist act prior to 9/11 had its origins here – that is the Air India bombing which claimed 329 lives in 1985.

Similarly Canadian citizens have not been immune more recently as witnessed in the deaths of Canadian citizens in the 9/11 attacks in the United States or in Bali. As well, Canadian military personnel and a diplomat serving in Afghanistan have been killed and wounded in terrorist attacks there and the threat to our forces there remains high.

We have not been immune from terrorism in other ways as well. There are resident in Canada graduates of terrorist training camps and campaigns, including experienced combatants from conflicts in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Chechnya and elsewhere.

As well, Canadian citizens or residents have been implicated in terrorist attacks and conspiracies elsewhere in the world. A young man is now awaiting trial here in Ottawa because of his alleged involvement in a bombing conspiracy in the United Kingdom. Others have been involved in plots against targets in the United States, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Israel, Singapore, Pakistan and other countries.

Canada has been named on several occasions as one of six Western “target countries” by Al Qaida leaders, most recently last summer.

Let me conclude with a few words about Afghanistan. It is a country that has been of interest to CSIS for many years. It continues to be of active interest to us for two reasons.

First, it has a long standing association with the global terrorist phenomenon, particularly Al Qaida, dating back to the days of then Soviet occupation of the country. Many foreign nationals were active participants, along with Afghan nationals, in the anti-Soviet campaign. Many of them continued their links with that organization after the Soviet withdrawal. And a good number of them, both Aghan and other, have since migrated elsewhere in the world, including to our country.

Second, the deployment of Canadian Forces to Afghanistan has resulted in our Service taking an active role to support our military colleagues in the country. While I am not at liberty to discuss the operational details of that support I can say two things about it.

This support has been principally focussed on the acquisition of intelligence to help the Canadian Forces defend themselves against terrorist attacks in that country.

As well, this intelligence is known to have saved lives, uncovered weapons and arms caches, and disrupted planned terrorist attacks.

With that said Senators I will end my remarks and take your questions, bearing in mind that I may have to be somewhat circumspect on some issues.

-----

Could the Voice of America story be based on that report to the Senate? If so, it's barely recognizable.

canuck May 29, 2006 - 9:25pm

Senators grill MacKay over Afghanistan policy

Mike Blanchfield
CanWest News Service; Ottawa Citizen

Tuesday, May 30, 2006

OTTAWA - Insults, both deliberate and unintended, along with partisan sniping and skepticism marred Senate hearings on Afghanistan on Monday, as one senator called President Hamid Karzai a ''stooge'' and Canada's foreign affairs minister suggested Afghans live in houses unfit for cattle.

Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay got a rough ride in his first appearance before the Senate national security and defence committee, but the proceedings turned particularly ugly when Liberal Senator Peter Stollery hurled an insult at Karzai, Afghanistan's interim president, who MacKay said would soon be visiting Canada.

''You know Karzai, he's a stooge. He was put there by Americans. Everybody knows that,'' Stollery said.

''First of all, I don't believe President Karzai is a stooge,'' MacKay said.

''He can't be anything else,'' Stollery interjected, before fellow Liberal Senator Colin Kenny, who was chairing the hearing, cut him off.

''With respect,'' MacKay replied in an even tone, ''he was democratically elected, and having met him, I find him to be a compelling, charismatic, dedicated person that wants to help his country.''

MacKay recently visited Canadian troops in Kandahar, Afghanistan, and Karzai in his presidential palace in Kabul.

In other testimony, MacKay recited a lengthy list of areas in which Canada and its international allies were trying to help Afghanistan, areas that included good governance, removing landmines, battling corruption and strengthening democratic institutions.

''Economic and social development,'' MacKay continued, before digressing.

''The infrastructure in that country having flown over both Kandahar and into Kabul, it's remarkable to see. It's like going back in time, I suspect, in seeing the state of that country. Many of these houses that people are living in (are) really not fit for cattle.''

MacKay also spoke glowingly about the schoolchildren he met, including eager teenage girls who were cramming several years of education into one after being denied schooling under the fundamentalist Taliban militia that ruled Afghanistan until the end of 2001.

For the most part, MacKay put a positive spin on the gains made in Afghanistan, despite the growing Taliban insurgency in the south around Kandahar.

But the committee of Liberal and Conservative senators was not buying it, including an attempt by MacKay to put a positive spin on efforts to reduce Afghanistan's growing opium trade that he said produces 90 per cent of the world's heroin.

''When you read your presentation, there's a lot of optimism in it,'' Conservative Senator Norman Atkins said, before asking MacKay very bluntly:

''Is this a no-win situation?''

MacKay replied: ''I don't believe in no-win. We're winning every day,'' in terms of lives and differences being made in the lives in individual Afghans.

Atkins was also skeptical of a claim MacKay made by reciting a direct quote from Karzai that Afghanistan's gross domestic product had grown 85 per cent in four years.

''Where is it developing, if it isn't in the drug trade?'' Atkins asked.

MacKay said there was evidence of new business opportunities, especially ones run by women, who were not allowed to work under the Taliban.

Kenny challenged MacKay on why his government recently asked Parliament to vote on a two-year extension of the Afghan mission to 2009.

Kenny told MacKay that Canada's first ambassador to Afghanistan had told his committee that it would take five generations to rebuild the country, while a Canadian general testified that troops would be required there for 20 years.

MacKay bristled at that line of questioning, apparently because three-quarters of elected Liberal MPs voted against his party's motion recently.

''Well, if you're telling me on behalf of the opposition that you'd be willing to extend the date further, we could bring another motion,'' MacKay shot back.

But Kenny upbraided him, saying: ''I don't speak for the opposition. This is a committee of the Senate of Canada.''

MacKay did not speak to reporters after the hearing, but Kenny stopped to say that he was not satisfied with the lack of concrete benchmarks given to his committee so that Canadians could measure success in Afghanistan.

''I don't think you can say that you're not going to cut and run and name a date,'' Kenny said, using the same phrase Prime Minister Stephen Harper has used to bolster support for the military deployment.

''I think you have to say, 'We're going to stay here until we achieve certain goals.' If you look back at other wars, other situations, people didn't name a date for the end of World War Two or the Korean War ... You fight them until they're over.''

Ottawa Citizen
link

Tina May 30, 2006 - 8:27am

Also see Al-Qaeda's long march to war

Afghanistan: Taleban's second coming
By Ahmed Rashid

Guest journalist and writer Ahmed Rashid on why Afghanistan is facing a resurgent Taleban movement.

Nearly 400 Afghans have been killed in an unprecedented offensive by the Taleban, in a bid to pre-empt a major deployment by some 6,000 Nato troops this summer in southern Afghanistan.
From just a few hundred guerrillas last year, Taleban commander Mullah Dadullah now claims to have 12,000 men under arms and control of 20 districts in the former Taleban heartland in the southern provinces of Kandahar, Helmand, Zabul and Uruzgan. There is also a strong Taleban-al-Qaeda presence in the eastern provinces bordering Pakistan.

Why - five years after the Taleban and al-Qaeda were smashed by US forces - is Afghanistan facing a resurgent Taleban movement that is now threatening to overwhelm it?

Even though the country now has a legitimately elected president, government and parliament, there have been major failures by the international community and the Afghan government in their inability to provide troops, security and funds for reconstruction and nation building to the Pashtun population in the south.

Security vacuum

Neither Nato, nor the American forces they are replacing, have offered an honest assessment of their successes and failures during the past five years.

Afghanistan has received far less funds for reconstruction than almost all recent nation building efforts such as the former Yugoslavia, Haiti or East Timor

Here is a checklist of failures in the south that the US, Nato, the UN and the Afghan government should be discussing and rectifying:

Washington's refusal to take state building in Afghanistan seriously after 2001 and instead waging a fruitless war in Iraq, created a major international distraction which the Taleban took advantage of to slowly rebuild their forces.

US-led coalition forces were never deployed in southern Afghanistan in sufficient numbers, even though this was the Taleban heartland and needed to be secured. Apart from a US base for 3,000 troops in Kandahar and a couple of fire bases, for four years there was virtually no military presence in three of the four provinces. US forces failed to secure even the major cities and highways in the south. The growing security vacuum in the south was steadily filled by the Taleban.

Afghanistan has received far less funds for reconstruction than almost all recent nation building efforts such as the former Yugoslavia, Haiti or East Timor. The lack of security in the south meant that UN development agencies and western and Afghan aid organisations could not provide sufficient aid and reconstruction. Nor was there ever adequate funding by western donors, especially for rebuilding the vital agricultural sector. The West's refusal to invest in agriculture on which 70% of the population depend, led to a massive return to poppy production by destitute farmers in the south, which quickly spread to the rest of the country.

Drug smugglers and cartels now offer much greater incentives to Pashtun farmers than aid agencies. The best functioning extension programmes for farmers are operated by opium traffickers who provide improved varieties of poppy seeds, fertilizer, improved methods of cultivation, banking and loan facilities and organised large scale employment during the poppy harvest. Compared to 2001 when poppy cultivation was at a minimum, southern Afghanistan now needs to develop an entire alternative economy costing billions of dollars in order to replace the drugs economy.

The drugs economy has fuelled massive corruption among government officials, undermined the authority of the government and funded the Taleban. The failure to reconstruct the south has led to widespread public disillusionment, increasing sympathy for the Taleban and anger at the Afghan government. Drugs money has allowed the Taleban to acquire new weapons, provide salaries to fighters and larger sums to suicide bombers.

Corruption

For the past five years President Hamid Karzai has tolerated Pashtun warlords as governors, police chiefs and administrators in the south. Most of these warlords were discredited and defeated by the Taleban in the 1990s, but were resuscitated by US forces to help defeat the Taleban in 2001. Unlike Northern Alliance warlords who tended to defy President Karzai's authority, these Pashtun warlords were friends of the government and helped secure the Pashtun vote for Karzai in two Loya Jirgas and two elections in 2004 and 2005. Despite pledging loyalty to President Karzai these warlord-governors became visibly corrupt, by their open involvement in the drugs trade, cutting deals with criminal gangs and the Taleban and showing supreme incompetence in dealing with development issues. For the majority of southern Pashtuns, the corruption of these warlord-governors unfortunately symbolised the intentions of the Kabul government.

Kabul refused to change these warlord-governors, until forced to do so by Nato countries, who refused to deploy their troops until they were removed. Thus Canada, Britain and the Netherlands played a major role in forcing the resignation of the governors of Kandahar, Helmand and Uruzgan - the provinces in which their troops are now being deployed.

Kabul's offer of an amnesty and safe passage home in 2003 to non-belligerent Taleban living in Pakistan was a sensible attempt at reconciliation, but it was badly handled. The Northern Alliance leaders refused to accept any reconciliation with the Taleban. Overtures to the Taleban were handled secretly by the American and Afghan intelligence, instead of being done openly with international support and guarantees of protection for returning Taleban and a separate aid programme to rehabilitate them. Pakistan refused to help persuade the Taleban to return home, while Washington refused to put any pressure on Islamabad to do so. The reconciliation drive has been a failure.

After being routed in 2001 the Taleban found a safe sanctuary in Balochistan and the North West Frontier province of Pakistan. They have been able to set up a major logistics hub, training camps, carry out fund raising and have been free to recruit fighters from madrassas and refugee camps. The Taleban have received help from Pakistan's two provincial governments, the MMA, Islamic extremist groups, the drugs mafia and criminal gangs - while the military regime has looked the other way. Al-Qaeda has helped the Taleban reorganise and forge alliances with other Afghan and Central Asian rebel groups.
Thus the current Taleban resurgence is a reflection of the failure of policies by all the major players in Afghanistan - the US, Nato, the UN, the international community, the Afghan government and neighbours such as Pakistan.

All these problems will have to be addressed honestly and frankly, before Nato and Afghan security forces will be able to defeat the Taleban.
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/5029190.stm

Tina May 30, 2006 - 8:31am

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