With an overwhelming 507-19 vote the Turkish parliament yesterday gave Prime Minister Erdogan carte blanche to invade Northern Iraq in pursuit of PKK insurgents that in the worst case could lead to a massive ground invasion and permanent establishment of a Turkish occupied zone in Iraq. While Turkish, American and European security analysts agree on Turkey not yet having crossed the line to dare to openly defy Washington, the explosive situation at the Turkish-Iraqi border and the waywardness of Turkey's domestic politics could lead to an escalation anytime.
The Turkish parliamentary vote also has to be seen as a deliberate response to the House Foreign Relations Committee passing a resolution officially declaring the mass murder of Armenians in 1915-17 a genocide. No one should be surprised about even such a delicate issue immediately being misappropriated in the U.S. presidential campaign and for clobbering President Bush. While the latter per se is almost always a reasonable thing to do, the for ever and ever progressive dogma of "I don't know Bush's position on this, but I condemn it," at least requires to be questioned in this particular context.
A policy should always be valued by its usefulness, feasibility, intent and means vs. anticipated outcome, and definitely not at least by the moral considerations guiding it. What it should be valued by the least, though, is who proposes it. Or to put it differently: not everything George Bush suggests is wrong just because it's him saying it, as neither everything is right what Al Gore advocates just because he sponsors it. This personalization accompanied by simplification of political decisions is a degeneration all mediacracies (© Kevin Phillips) have in common, yet in America it appears particularly distinct. Every third class dictator is demonized as the second Adolf Hitler, every negotiation with a foe runs risk of becoming a second Munich, every terrorist attack is carried out by al Qaeda, no matter whether it was perpetrated by Philippine separatists or Nepalese Maoists, and every conflict will soon escalate into a world war if not checked immediately (George Bush and Norman Podhoretz just have to agree whether the current row with Iran qualifies as WW III or IV). Likewise everything George Bush comes up with a priori either is the height of folly or further evidence for the neocons' attempt to capture world domination, just depending on the intellectual capacity you concede to 43.
The great Austrian poet and writer Ingeborg Bachmann reflecting on the need for Europe to account for the crimes of the Nazi regime once said, "The truth is reasonable for the human being." American politicians and commentators apparently disagree. For the American voter only ten second sound bites like "read my lips", cheap jokes like "bomb, bomb, bomb Iran", or simplified equations bordering deliberately dumbing down the public like "Bush, Saddam = personification of evil", "Edward Kennedy = Commie in disguise", and "Hillary = power-crazed career girl", and an assessment of their positions deduced from these stereotypes seem to be reasonable. Objection! The American public deserves a serious debate about the background, motives and repercussions of the House's Armenian Genocide resolution with the dumbness/evilness of George Bush taken out of the equation.
Admitted, DHinMI on DailyKos and Curmudgette on MLW, whose views I usually respect greatly, are right about George Bush being to blame for the predicament the U.S. now faces with Turkey threatening to invade Northern Iraq or him having lost all credibility to air himself as a great diplomat. But that's beyond the point. Stop the blame game. Get over George Bush. He's history, soon riding into the Texan sunset or playing Axis and Allies with John McCain on the veranda of their retirement home. In about a year from now, though, perhaps a Democratic president you support will have to struggle with the consequences of last week's House resolution and yesterday's Turkish parliamentary vote. That's the light the two referendums should be viewed in.
There's not a moment of doubt that the barbaric atrocities and inconceivable tragedy the Armenian people suffered at the hands of the Ottoman Empire qualify for being termed a genocide - not for nothing their campaign served as an object lesson for Hitler how to organize the occupation of Poland and the "Final Solution to the Jewish Question". Neither should such a parliamentary resolution be dismissed as simply an exercise in imperial delusion and sentimental righteousness as Simon Tisdall accused Pelosi et al of in The Guardian. I even want to put aside the justifiable demur that this resolution was rather motivated by appealing to the generosity of the Armenian diaspora in crucial battleground states such as Michigan and New Jersey than altruistic humanism. The sole two questions we should ask ourselves in this context are: How is this resolution going to effect U.S.-Turkish relations in the current explosive environment? and How does this resolution contribute to the recognition of the Armenian people's tragic history and the successor of the Ottoman Empire accepting its abominable role in it? And both questions can be answered with one word: negatively.
Turkey still has a long way to go to accept the dark sides of its history and to permit a healing process of comprehensive accounting for its past satisfactory to both sides, victims and perpetrators alike. For only if the deep divide separating them is bridged by mutual gestures of recognition, understanding, substantiation and approaching one another true reconciliation can permeate. This arduous path, however, is exclusively Turkey's and the Armenian people's to tread with outside interference, Wilsonian setting up for a saint, and riding the moralistic high horse not only being undesirable but extremely counterproductive.
I wonder how an ordinary American would react to the Russian Duma passing a resolution terming the systematic extermination of native Americans a genocide, and daresay that not even Emily's List or Americans United would appreciate liberal Sweden trying to dictate America how to amend Roe vs. Wade. It has always floored me how a people abuzz with patriotism, in whose founding narrative Washington, Jefferson and Adams became transfigured to the rank of supernatural patron saints even surpassing Saint George and Saint Denis in veneration, can be so insensitive to the national pride of other countries. Whether it is supporting civil society in Iran through the good offices of the CIA and MEK or passing well-meant but wrong-timed resolutions, it only strengthens the nationalistic hardliners, fuels a "rally around the flag effect" and certainly does not ease the hard advocacy work of Orhan Pamuk or Mohammad Khatami.
Representative Mike Ross (D-AR) summed it up best, "I think it is a good resolution and horrible timing." DHinMI recently provided us with a formidable analysis of the situation in Turkey and how it ought to be understood in the context of the wider Middle East. The less understandable is his defense of the timing of the House resolution. Today's Turkey is a nation at the brink, torn between tradition and modernity, Islamic conservatism and liberal secularism, economic boom and heart-rending poverty, a people yearning for their democracy to take the final step toward completion and a corrupt, militaristic Deep State fearing for loss of clout and sinecures. Despite its shortcomings, Turkey is the most democractized and progressive society in the Middle East, now struggling to agree Atatürk's legacy of imposed secularism with religious freedom and to ward off the surge of Islamistic influences surrounding it. In addition to its strategic position neighboring Iran, Iraq and the Caucasus, it is NATO's sole Muslim member state and Israel's only regional ally, as well as Europe's alternative to being screwed by Gazprom's domination of the Central Asian pipeline system. Ever since ancient Greece, it has acted as the bridge connecting Orient and Occident, and later Christianity and Islam, rendering it the very country where Samuel Huntington's theory of the inevitable clash of civilizations could be proven wrong. If we, America and Europe, were to lose Turkey, we would have lost the entire struggle for the two major world religions to once peacefully coexist.
Verily, in light of these considerations and risks George Bush becomes negligible. And the timing of the House Foreign Relations Committee's resolution even more unfortunate.
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Hannes Artens is the author of The Writing on the Wall, the first anti Iran war novel.